Nearly six weeks ago I promised to post these speaking notes from FutureEverything, and now that I’m at another conference doing another talk, I finally have.
None of these ideas are really new – what I wanted to do with this piece was think through some of the complexities of participation in what I call “the politics OF the network.” It was a fun talk to give with a great audience, and here is, more or less, what I said:
Introduction
This conference is about the future, and I think, in an unspoken way, about technology’s impact on the future. I want to shift our attention, for a few minutes, to the past. Don’t worry, I’ll get back to the present soon, and maybe even to the future. But I’m skeptical of presuming that the past has nothing to tell us, and that we should stride forward in the expectation of perpetual progress. There are many thing about our present social media landscape that are different than what we’ve experienced in the past. People get much more information much more easily, and this information is mediated in very different ways than it was in the past. They have faster access to other people as well. And an increasing number of people have access to technical tools that they can build and change in order to take advantage of these other factors (what social scientists call “affordances”). So as citizens, we in the privileged West are in a position to share information (which we do at an unprecedented rate) but also to collaborate to make change.
In any case, to start out I’m going to talk about our historical models for citizenship, and the media spaces that they are associated with. Then I’m going to talk about the media spaces of the present, and the way that filter, feed and funnel shape our opportunities for participation. I’ll talk about some of the problems of social media participation, and then suggest things we can think about – and DO – to use the opportunity that our networked communication provides.
Part 1: Our historical models for citizenship: Spaces and Media
It’s only been since the 19th century that westerners have had an understanding of people outside of the elite as citizens, who could discuss and debate opinions about how the world operates. I’m sure many of you are familiar with the concept of the “public sphere” which is the space of democratic discussions – deliberative democracy, if you will.
1. In the beginning, there was the cafe, and the newspaper. This was the Habermasian model for deliberative democracy. Guys get together and talk about the news of the day. Sometimes their voices amplified by the press, and then perhaps a response to the press from the elected representatives. The emergence of the press was huge! All of a sudden people were aware of the decisions elites were making, and able to read comments on them and discuss.
2. Then there was the street, and the zine, which are spaces and media more associated with Nancy Fraser’s view of the public sphere as also producing counterpublics. Obviously this conception of the “public sphere” was a very limited one: it didn’t include the resistance, all those counterpublics with different ideas. So there were other ways of occupying the street (public spaces) and alternative ways of producing media.
3. There are technological publics too, as Christopher Kelty (and others) describe. The development of free software licenses has meant that code can also act as a way of deliberating the issues of the day. GNU public license stipulated that the software could be freely copied, modified and distributed that every piece of software using the license had to also be subject to the license.
Part 2: Social media models for citizenship
Ok, so now we have a networked set of publics, supported by social media. The great thing about social media is that it’s a set of functions that can work in all kinds of different ways. It’s not the newspaper with the public opinion. It’s not the radical zine. It’s both, and it’s more. I’m going to talk about 3 things that social media does that are significant for participation, and some examples of how they contribute to citizenship
Filter – if we think about the movement from the cafe and the street to the network, what’s one of the most significant media transformations? Quite simply, the end of scarcity of information. Now we have the opposite problem of the early newspaper reporters. We have to make sense of this. That’s where the filter logic comes in. We choose what to attend to, determine what conversations to respond to. It’s no longer a mass media situation, instead its an algorithmically sorted feed of information that can also be used participatively.
Feed – remember the cafe? The feed (Twitter, Facebook) is the public sphere we choose, or, as Eli Pariser points out, is chosen for us based on algorithms that our participation determines. The level of deliberation on feeds and blogs rivals that of the public sphere, but it’s a public that’s chosen and refined
Funnel – This is where individual practices change the larger structures. The difference between previous public spheres and media was that the power coming from the top down was not met by the power of the resistance. Now we have the ability to amplify our views – although we’re not always perfectly in control of how they are amplified. Various projects like MySociety’s Fix my street aim to take advantage of this possibility for amplification.We also have opportunities to use the features of social media progressively to work together. What useful things could we do with the funnel? How about, monitoring air and water quality locally? Using motion sensors to map safe cycling routes from the perspectives of cyclists?
Part 3: Dark sides. The echo chamber
1. social media networks can be elitist publics
When we think about the publics that are made easier by social media, we have to keep in mind that filter, feed and funnel are ways of connecting data to participation. We also have to understand the complexities of the situation. Young people are less likely to use Twitter than adults aged 25-40 (although teenage girls are an exception). They are also less likely to blog. This finding should remind us that participating in social media is not a unified experience. The relationships that committed Twitterers of a certain age construct (your author included) may be more representative of our age and demographic than indicative of social media itself.
In other words, a feed of people you’ve chosen is a public, and it can be full of exciting political discussion. But it might be just an elite a space as the cafe in the 19th century. Furthermore, Facebook feeds are full of people with whom you have reciprocity, while Twitter does not. At the moment we have a pretty narrow set of opportunities for engagement.
- Funnel processes means that we are generating data, and value for others.
The processes of participation offered by social media mean that we can amplify and aggregate our views and our data and provide them to those in power. They are powerful but the question is, who is in control? Centralized social networks like Facebook provide platforms for engagement, but their cost is that they collect an enormous amount of information.
Our relationships with social media infrastructures influence our participation in ways that aren’t easy to see. Filters are part of what makes the platforms and infrastructure opaque. We don’t see the algorithms that sort our relationships.
- We create relationships with infrastructures
One big difference between social media participation and participation in other types of politics ishow these applications are now becoming infrastructures for participation. To understand them, we need to know more about how they are built, how they work, and who controls them. Yes, we want to make things together, and we want to make relationships with people. It’s easier to do this using applications like Facebook Twitter, and YouTube. But this also means creating a relationship with the platform itself. The algorithms to which we’ve delegated the work of connecting and communicating also have agency. We don’t know much about them and their relationship to our participation is opaque. Sometimes, we get a small view into the algorithms of certain systems – but generally we have so little understanding of the ways that our participation is mediated through the experiences of filter, feed and funnel.
The question of social media use and agency is not just a question of knowing or being able to understand the design process. If different generations or social groups want to relate to each other in different ways, then there’s social interest in understanding how different infrastructures shape and are shaped by those relationships. But we are participating more – and this needs to be more progressive than simply turning icons green, or saving the Brazilian Galvao (see Ethan Zuckerman on this inside joke).
Part 4: So what do we do?
HACK IT
- build our own infrastructures. This is the most direct form of participation. There are lots of good examples of this, from community broadband infrastructures to local wireless networks like Ile Sans Fil in my hometown Montreal or the Friefunk network in Berlin. Hardware hacking and the developoment of open source hardware is also part of this participation. These are access networks but they are also participation networks – getting people together in real places to apply technology to a problem. And local infrastructures can turn around feed, filter and funnel. Local WiFi hotspots can provide information using the location as a filter, inviting engagement in local art or in local politics. But they are again limited by the insularity of their
- Open the code: local networks are made possible by both free software and by the network. Now there is recognition that centralized social networks are using funnel to generate too much value for too few people. Crabgrass and possibly the Diaspora project (when it’s built) are platforms that use the beneficial affordances of social networks but are based on the principles of GNU Social, and on individual control of privacy.
- Figure out how feed, filter and funnel can work transformatively. It’s tempting to argue that “we” the technically-savvy should remake social media, but network effects mean that common platforms will be used by more people, so creating an alternative infrastructure may not be the most effective way of working for transformation. Participation means everyone – and the logic of social media makes it harder for everyone to be heard The challenge is to make things BESIDES the tools open – like organizations, innovation cycles, and structures of participation.
There’s so much going on at the FutureEverything conference that it’s difficult to sort through the experiences to find a highlight. One that certainly stands out, from among the very reflective and critical conversations about technology, social change and open data, is the success of GloNet, a new platform for global participations in conferences. I’m normally somewhat dismissive of “beaming in” participants, but GloNet has won me over. It’s a multi-city network, connecting participants in Vancouver, Manchester, Sao Paulo, Instanbul and Sendai. Most significantly, in each city workshop teams had been working with participants (and rallying audiences – early in the am in Vancouver) to respond to some shared questions about technology and the city. The result was that the participants in other cities were not remote, but very present – and also connected by a networked living room that could front on the other locations.
Each city site was connected with a different organization: at W2 in Vancouver they asked questions about how technology and engagement works in different cities, and the
Tribes in cities are reinforced by our use of social media – working with the idea that this reduces the amount of serendipity in the city. W2 in Vancouver explored how or whether social media would benefit the poorest in Vancouver. When we talk about open data open standards open source we are talking about conversations that happen differently. Were we before on a trajectory towards isolation, and has this trajectory been reversed?
Questions were also raised about the power dynamics of the ownership of social media platforms, and also about the presence or absence of serendipity within systems run on algorithms.
There was enthusiasm from Adam Greenfield about the possibility of autonomous creativity to solve the challenging problems, based on a technical infrastructure of open data and open culture.
Open data was a defining theme for the day. Nigel Shadbolt described how open government data moved from idea to reality, and artists presented projects involving everything from maps of Oyster card transactions to data in the forms of games. There is a sort of gleeful sense that more data will make the world a better place – I agree, although I think that the structures (the media, indeed) through which we encounter and make sense of these data are what really become important.
The Register notes that Nicholas Negroponte’s controversial One Laptop Per Child project is cutting half of its staff. The article mentions the project’s Give One Get One scheme where one laptop is donated to a poor country for every one purchased in a rich country. It’s hard, in this glaring credit-crunch light, not to see the project as a glorified corporate-giving scheme where the have-lots get an excuse to buy another interesting toy . . .
but that could just be my cynicism at the ideas that laptops are somehow necessary and sufficient for eduction.
I’m holed up in icy Montreal waiting for a visa from the UK home office. To keep myself occupied, I thought of blogging every day about what (and why) I’m reading. So here’s the first installment. If the weather keeps up like this, there could be many more – at least until I get to go home!
__________________
I devoured two John Ralston Saul books this week: The Collapse of Globalism, and A Fair Country: Telling truths about Canada. These could be read sequentially: after outlining how globalism fails, Ralston Saul presents a solution in his address to Canada’s elites. Basically, the premise (oh so prescient) is this: the system of globalism attempted to reduce society to economic terms, and in doing so, applied market logics so broadly that they ceased to be useful. The principle of governance, so essential to democracy, was replaced with the principle of management. Ralston Saul traces these principles, and the broader ideology of globalism, through phenomena such as trade agreements, changes in intellectual property laws, and the privatizing of the public sector. He concludes by describing a potential of a return to nation-states, but notes that we should still be wary of “negative nationalism.”
The Collapse of Globalism brings together so many of the observable consequences of globalism that it would be tempting to say that it anticipates the current correction financial systems (which is also a crisis in governance and regulation) and the ensuing failure of trust in these systems and regulations. But it doesn’t, really. Instead it outlines in broad terms some of the things that I’ve observed in more focused situations: frustration with the “it’s out of our hands” market ideology of globalism can provoke an identification with a more contained identity. This could be national, local, or cultural. In its negative form, such small-scale identifications confound our relationships with the other (Ralston Saul talks a lot about the other) and intensify conflict. Positive nationalism, on the other hand, reflects “a renewed and growing desire to build our societies at all levels with our own hands – that is, to find ways to be involved”.
This is just one resonance in this book with what I’ve observed happening in grassroots (and not-so-grassroots) groups. In response to a failing system, we can be remarkably ingenious in developing something better – if we build on our strengths. This is exactly what Ralston Saul addresses in his next book, where he argues that Canada has been neglecting its third founding pillar – the First Nations. The result of this has been the development of a colonial mindset and the divestment of many of the country’s resources through increased foreign ownership. He entreats Canada’s elite (that would be you) to break out of complacency, and restore the sense of this country as a place where negotiation is valued over quick solutions, and where the founding principles of Peace, Welfare, and Good Government return.
You’d like to know how? Well, one good way would be to lobby the CRTC to stop Internet throttling. In a clear example of short-sighted management/market ideologies, Bell Canada has appealed for the right to continue to throttle P2P applications on its network, even as it begins to prioritize its own audio and video content. SaveOurNet.Ca has more information.
Canada already has the most consolidated media companies in the world. What’s more, its status as an internet leader is in sharp decline. Why? Because the telecom companies don’t want to invest in delivering the “last mile” of connectivity to homes and businesses. Their construction ends at the neighbourhood loop level. All the more reason for muncipalities/communities/neighbourhoods to invest in local networks.
Whew! I got all the way from globalism and Ralston Saul back to local broadband. I must say, it’s been fun.
I just moved 2.34 cubic metres of stuff, mostly books, into the London house from an enormous freight truck. The stuff had been riding on the ocean for a couple of weeks, and its arrival makes me feel so much less divided, wrapping up two years of trans-Altantic commuting. Home is where your stuff is, I guess. I don’t know how much I’ll unpack though – in a few weeks I start at the OII and after viewing every property on the market, I finally found a flat I’ll share during the week with new colleague/old friend Bernie Hogan. At least the commute is getting shorter . . .
But before the Montreal phase of my life wraps up, there’s one more loose end (or is it a milestone?):
Doctoral Thesis Defence
Name: Alison Powell
Title: Co-productions of Technology, Culture and Policy in North American’s Community Wireless Networking Movement
Date: Tuesday, September 9, 2008
Time: 2:00 pm
Room: H – 760 (SGW)
Examining Committee:
TBA, Chair
Dr. L. Shade (Communication Studies), Supervisor
Dr. B. Simon (Sociology & Anthropology)
Dr. K. Sawchuk (Communication Studies)
Dr. P-L. Harvey (Communication, UQAM)
External Examiner:
Dr. Martin Hand
Department of Sociology
Queen’s University
All are welcome to attend
Michael Geist (via Steven) recently revealed that Bell Canada has been secretly throttling the wholesale bandwidth it sells to small ISPs. These small companies are supposed to be Bell’s competitors, but with their service limited, they are essentially playing by Bell’s rules. A map of reported slowdowns is being updated.
Now Bell is admitting that it limits all encrypted or P2P traffic in the afternoon and evening. Not only illegal P2P content will be slowed down, but legitimate access to secure sites and even CBC’s Canada’s Next Great Prime Minister, or VPN remote access to an office after hours “will simply not work as fast” according to a spokesperson.
Meanwhile, US internet service provider Comcast has been legally obliged to stop throttling their customers. It’s Canada’s hour to step up and fight for the right to fair competition in our telecom industry, and fair access to the means of communication.
The NDP’s Charlie Angus has issued a statement calling on Industry Minister Jim Prentice to establish clear rules to limit interference by big companies like Bell. I’ll be writing to my MP about this – or you can file a complaint with the Commissioner for Complaints for Telecommunications Services if your ISP is being throttled.
This week, Neil Barratt, Mike Lenczner and I launched WhatIsNetNeutrality.ca — a primer on network neutrality for Canadians. It was a pleasure to work with Mike and Neil on this, and we hope that this site makes the debate more accessible to a wide variety of Canadians.
The official announcement:
Today marks an important day in the net neutrality debate in Canada. With the launch of www.whatisnetneutrality.ca (WiNN), Canadians have a valuable resource with which to educate themselves about this emerging concept.
While it sounds like an issue for experts, net neutrality is a debate that will affect the future of communications in Canada for everyone. WiNN aims to help Canadians understand this debate, and why it should matter to them. We’re not advocating a specific solution to the debate. Our goal is to inform and educate Canadians about a poorly understood and sometimes intimidating issue. Our lives depend on communications, and the Internet is growing to encompass television, telephone, journalism and entertainment. Net neutrality is a principle that will shape this powerful communication tool.
Please visit the site and look around. The site touches on the business, technology, and policy aspects of this issue. Each section has short and detailed answers, depending on your interest. The dictionary gives simple explanations of many of the regulatory and technical terms in use. The blog will track any developments of the debate in Canada.
This web site is a project of the Canadian Research Alliance for Community Innovation and Networking (CRACIN), a research network comprised of academics and community technology practitioners from across the country. CRACIN is dedicated to community-based research and innovation in the use of new information and communication technologies to empower local communities.
While only available in English for the moment, WiNN will be translated in coming weeks to be fully bilingual.
Thanks for your time,
Neil Barratt
Michael Lenczner
Alison Powell
In conclusion, while the banal continues to hold power, the sublime is never far away. Perhaps a reappropriation of ICT infrastructure helps us to see with both eyes the sublime promise in the banal wireless signal.
Read more »
However, from a perspective of splintering urbanism, there are numerous paradoxes inherent in Ile Sans Fil’s work. As Sandvig (2004) points out, some aspects of providing free wireless hotspots have problematic political and economic underpinnings. One of these is the organization’s work with Business Improvement Districts, groups that are often associated with pro-business, splintering activities.
Ile Sans Fil acts as a sponsor for the Montreal Fringe Festival. Photo by Boris Anthony.
Read more »